Yes, I'm still alive.
I was asked to speak about Patrick Henry at the 19th annual Bill of Rights Commemorative Banquet earlier this week, in recognition of the 275th anniversary of his birth next year. The following is the last half of my remarks, which address the subject of empire-building, something that has generated a good bit of reaction here in the past. The first half covered the history and context of Henry's public life up to the Revolutionary War. I begin below with the debate over the Constitution.
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We don’t have time to dwell on Henry’s time in the Governor’s Mansion and the Assembly during and after the war – I want to jump ahead thirteen years to June, 1788. The Constitutional Convention had been held in Philadelphia the year before, for the purpose of amending the Articles of Confederation. They had concluded that the Articles were past amending and instead produced an entirely new constitution, which was sent to the states to be ratified or rejected.
Henry thought it should be rejected.
He had many objections, but they all boiled down to centralization of power. Henry was convinced that America could not remain free with the triple powers of trade regulation, taxation and defense all consolidated under the federal government. He believed that the framers of the constitution had lost sight of essential liberties in their desire to see America become great.
Now, history has proven many of Henry’s objections to have been groundless, and, with the benefit of hindsight, I do not agree with him that the Federal Constitution was a dangerous step toward tyranny. But the truth is, if Henry had not objected to the constitution as it stood we would, most likely, have no Bill of Rights today. What is more, while Henry (I believe) underestimated the value of the various checks and balances that were built into the federal Constitution, on this point at least his words seem eerily prophetic when read today. He returned again and again throughout twenty-three days of debate in the Virginia Convention to this question of empire vs. liberty.
“I own, sir,” he said, “I am not free from suspicion. I am apt to entertain doubts… You are not to inquire how your trade may be increased, nor how you are to become a great and powerful people, but how your liberties can be secured; for liberty ought to be the direct end of your government. … Sir, suspicion is a virtue, as long as its object is the preservation of the public good. … Guard with jealous attention the public liberty! Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel!”
“The American spirit,” he went on, “has fled from hence: it has gone to regions where it has never been expected; it has gone to the people of France, in search of a splendid government—a strong, energetic government. Shall we imitate the example of those nations who have gone from a simple to a splendid government? Are those nations more worthy of our imitation? What can make an adequate satisfaction to them for the loss they have suffered in attaining such a government—for the loss of their liberty? If we admit this consolidated government, it will be because we like a great, splendid one. Some way or other we must be a great and mighty empire; we must have an army, and a navy, and a number of things. When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different: liberty, sir, was then the primary object.
“We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty: our forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of every thing. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors: by that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. …
"But, sir, we are not feared by foreigners; we do not make nations tremble. Would this constitute happiness, or secure liberty? I trust, sir, our political hemisphere will ever direct their operations to the security of those objects. …. No matter whether the people be great, splendid, and powerful, if they enjoy freedom. The Turkish Grand Signior, alongside of our President, would put us to disgrace; but we should be abundantly consoled for this disgrace, when our citizens have been put in contrast with the Turkish slave. The most valuable end of government is the liberty of the inhabitants. No possible advantages can compensate for the loss of this privilege.”
Henry’s opposition to the constitution barely failed to prevent its ratification; but his influence was enough to ensure that a list of amendments was sent to the first Congress from the Virginia Ratifying Convention. He also successfully nominated two opponents of the Constitution to the first United States Senate. Their election convinced James Madison, one of the leading Federalists, that concessions would have to be made if the new government was to succeed, and he agreed to support the proposed amendments in Congress. He did so ably and successfully, thereby earning the popular title “Father of the Bill of Rights,” which rightly belongs to Henry, if to anyone.
That brings us around to the reason we are celebrating here tonight. But I can’t bring myself to leave it there without asking the million dollar question: have the past two hundred and nineteen years validated Henry’s fear that Americans would lose sight of liberty in the pursuit of national greatness?
The value of history is only what we learn from it. Perhaps every one of us here tonight would agree that we have indeed lost much of the freedom our forefathers enjoyed. Probably not so many would agree with Patrick Henry that our liberty has fallen a victim to our pursuit of greatness and empire. But I do. In fact, I believe that, not a belligerent minority, not even fifty percent, but the vast majority of Americans are complicit – unintentionally, perhaps – but complicit none the less, in the loss of that freedom; or perhaps I should say complicit in the growth and centralization of government power, which is the same thing.
It has been common, especially leading up to last month’s election, to hear “liberals” blamed for the growth of government; and not without cause. People who describe themselves as “liberals” tend to be open about their view that government is good, and they readily acknowledge that they support more of it. People who describe themselves as “conservative,” on the other hand, tend to have at least a vague idea that big government, on the whole, is a bad thing for society. Unfortunately, this idea is usually not clear enough to serve any purpose. While there are probably countless reasons for this lack of clarity, the one that seems most obvious to me is the box in which we are all expected to think. You know, tyranny imposed through a democratic process is often the worst possible kind of tyranny, because it requires control over the mind of the electorate. And I’m not talking about some high-tech, top-secret government mind control program. The most effective way to control the outcome of a debate is to control the framework of the debate, and the great American experiment has shown, among other things, that such control is both achievable and effective. So in the spirit of Patrick Henry, let’s think for a minute about the box.
And please understand, if I am particularly hard on conservatives, it’s because I am a conservative Republican talking to a room mostly full of conservative Republicans. Fair enough?
What do the words “conservative” and “liberal” mean? Why is conservative politics a good thing and conservative Islam a bad thing? Why is economic liberalism an essential ingredient of a free society while political liberalism is a threat to a free society? Properly defined, political conservatism really just means a philosophical support for tradition or the established order of things – you could almost define it as a strict adherence to what is. Political liberalism is a philosophy of progress or change – not to put too fine a point on it, an affinity for what isn’t.
What I’m driving at is that the terms “conservative” and “liberal” only have real meaning when they refer to a standard. When we lose sight of that standard we get confused and end up rooting for Team A or Team B without asking why the goals are on the same side of the field. If the standard is that liberty with which all men are endowed by their Creator, I’m conservative. If the standard is the Constitution I’m conservative. If it’s anything else I’m not playing. But if we can agree that the Constitution is indeed the standard, then much of the popular conservative agenda today doesn’t look conservative anymore.
I can hear somebody say “Enough with the dictionary. When we say liberal or conservative we know what we mean!” Really? Do we really? Ask a certain popular radio host to define conservative and he’ll probably say something about lower taxes and not talking to rogue dictators without preconditions. To confuse matters even further, we have come to use “right” and “left” interchangeably with conservative and liberal. You talk about a box! We think in terms of a political spectrum that runs from Mao to Hitler.
As if there is a difference.
That strikes me as being like a medical practice that offers a full range of family health services, from euthanasia to assisted suicide.
Seriously, how did we accept this fraud? Between Mao and Hitler, where do you want to be? You say, “Well, I guess in the middle. Get as far from either end as I can.” That’s exactly what you’re supposed to say, because the center is engineered to be where your elitist leaders want you. And if you dare move away from the center they can call you names. “Socialist,” or “Fascist,” depending on which way you go.
Our political dialogue is like the emperor’s new clothes; we’re supposed to be so intimidated by the experts that we never call the game what it is. This kind of thinking is how we end up with ObamaCare being socialized medicine while RomneyCare is innovation and leadership. It is why the same party that brought us the TSA, MediCare Part D, the TARP bailout, the National Animal ID System, No Child Left Behind, the McCain-Feingold Incumbent Protection Act, the National ID Card, legalized torture, massive increases in the national debt, the greatest consolidation of power in the Executive Branch since FDR, the two longest wars our nation has ever fought, and the only mass confiscation of firearms from law-abiding citizens in recent American history – it is why this party can still sell itself as the party of small government and effectively convince Americans that they will roll back the size, scope and cost of the federal government if they get the chance.
I don’t mean to engage in needless Republican-bashing; it’s just that I’m convinced we Republican voters are being used. If the political spectrum made sense, and the far left believed in total government control, one would expect the far right to believe in no government at all; anarchy, in other words. But somehow, the statists have sold us this fraudulent idea where both ends want big government in some area, with the result that no matter who’s in and who’s out after a given election, there is always a big government agenda to move forward. Think about this: both the “right” and the “left” also claim that they want to rein in government - in certain areas. But what happens when they take control? Did the Republican Party take advantage of their six years of control in Washington to reduce the debt, or to stop abortion, or to cut entitlement programs, or to roll back federal control of anything? No, but they sure managed to consolidate power in the Executive branch, trash our Fourth and Fifth Amendment rights, dramatically expand law enforcement and the military, and reward a bunch of cronies in the financial sector. When the Democrats took over, did they reduce corporate welfare, or cut pork-barrel spending, or bring our troops home from a single one of our 800 overseas citadels, or end the travesty of justice that we call trial by military commission? No, but they sure managed to take over our health care system. They sure managed to tighten their chokehold on small businesses, further trash our Fourth Amendment rights, and reward a bunch of cronies in the financial sector.
Forget rolling back the size of government – if we don’t recognize the game that is being played we will keep demanding bigger government. Because the expansion of government today isn’t only an item on the liberal agenda; it seems to me to be divided pretty evenly between both “sides.” The feel-good, bleeding heart big government may be for “liberals,” but conservatives are all about the empire thing. We blame liberals for promoting dependency on government when it comes to economic security, but “conservatives” just as avidly promote dependency on government for physical security. I know this isn’t going to win me any new friends, but this issue has to be addressed; it is a ball and chain on the movement to restore liberty in America.
Our assumed role of superpower and our obsession with security has put us exactly where Henry predicted, and with exactly the consequences that he expected. How can you have a restrained government at home and an adventurous government overseas? How can you spread freedom by force? You cannot empower your leaders to aggressively use force abroad without losing your soul and your liberty to the monster you have created. “Government,” said George Washington, “is not reason; it is not eloquence; it is force. Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master.” And history has shown again and again that the government that acquires a taste for mastery abroad will never be content to serve at home.
The only way I see to break out of the box is to reject the fraudulent “right-left” political spectrum, reject the notion that either party is the answer – and I’m not talking about a third party; I am a Republican – but we need to start judging every single government action by one standard: freedom, based on the fact that all men are created equal. For too long we have been told, “Yes, government is out of control, but terrorists are trying to kill us, so just give up a little more freedom here. Sure, government is out of control, but there are thousands of illegal immigrants entering the country every day, so we need a little more power over here. Yes, it’s a crime to saddle our children and grandchildren with this kind of debt, but we’ve got to maintain a strong national defense, so don’t ask us to bring troops home from any of the 130 countries we keep them in.”
Where does it end? No matter what the problem is, it is time for Americans to demand only solutions that make government smaller, less intrusive, and less costly; or, to put it another way, solutions that result in more freedom for us as individuals. Such solutions do exist, but they will never be willingly implemented by this power-drunk government. The American people will have to reassert their control over their public servants, but we cannot do that until we first control our own thinking; until, like Patrick Henry, we are willing to make liberty the standard, to think outside the box, to ask the uncomfortable question. I believe that the question for us today remains what it was in 1775; it is, as Henry said, “a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of debate.”
Thank you very much.
